Thursday, February 17, 2011

Bahrain: back to the bad old days


AP photo

The reaction of the Bahrain security forces to the pro-democracy protests - including the storming and killing of demonstrators at the protest camp at Pearl Roundabout - has finally exposed the brutality of the al-Khalifah regime and exposed the myth of the country's so-called reform process.

On taking power in 1999, king Hamad introduced a series of reforms aimed at building national unity after years of violence had scarred the kingdom during the long rule of his father, Sheikh Isa. The initial measures, such as the release of political prisoners, the right of return for exiled opposition leaders and the abolishment of the kingdom’s state security courts, succeeded in quelling the Shia unrest and ushered in a period of relative calm.

However, the new constitution issued in 2002 quickly put and end to aspirations for a new era of political openness. The new constitution gave the elected lower house fewer legislative powers than what it had enjoyed under the old constitution, while at the same time created an appointed upper house with greater powers. Nevertheless, the kingdom’s largest opposition group, al-Wefaq, entered the political process but has achieved precious little since, resulting in an increase in tensions and a revert to the more repressive system of governance characteristic of the late Sheikh Isa period.

As such, tensions have been rising between the regime and opposition activists in Shia populated areas in recent years, triggering a cycle of arrests and further demonstrations as the government has resorted to force to break up the protests. The violence witnessed over the past few days therefore is nothing new, though the repression of the regime has intensified. The unrest is being fuelled by the same issues affecting other MENA states, including lack of job opportunities, growing economic disparities, cosmetic reforms, corruption, and in the case of Bahrain, a strong sectarian dimension between the predominantly ruling Sunni elite and Bahrain’s poorer Shia majority.

Resentment is also high over the ruling family’s ongoing policy of trying to reduce the kingdom’s two-thirds majority Shia population by granting citizenship and jobs to Sunni Muslim Arabs and South Asian migrants that are denied to Shia Bahrainis, most notably in the security forces - the very same security forces that are now brutally attacking the native citizens of the country.

The Sunni elite has long sought to portray the Shia majority as a fifth column working for Iran. This is a baseless allegation but one that holds some sway in the US, particularly in the current geo-political climate and Iran's alleged nuclear ambitions. Bahrain is, of course, also home to the US Navy's Central Command and Fifth Fleet.

In sum, Bahrain’s political reforms - like most so-called reforms in the region - have so far taken place without requiring the ruling establishment to give up any of its privileges and its control over economic resources, state institutions, the army and the security services. Any meaningful opening up of the political system has ran up against fierce resistance from hardliners, led by the much despised prime minister, Khalifa Bin Salman Al Khalifa, who has been in power since 1971 and along with his cronies stands to lose long-standing economic and social privileges.

Last night's attack on the pro-democracy camp proves that such intransigent forces within the regime are in no mood to compromise and have learned nothing from the experiences of Tunisia and Egypt. Of all the MENA states now experiencing unrest - Bahrain's (along with Yemen) may turn out to be the bloodiest. Given the US military presence in the country, the US will need to respond quickly and clearly lay down the red lines to avoid a further escalation of violence.

p.s. And let's not forget which country has been arming Bahrain's police force: Britain