Palestine papers

AFP

So here we have it: the truth at last about the so-called Peace Process. The story of the Emperor's clothes comes to mind. Al-Jazeera has obtained more than 1,600 internal documents (shared with the Guardian) from a decade of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). The papers reveal what many of us have known for a long time: the total intransigence of Israel and its American ally, and the absolute weakness of the PA. So far, the main highlights include:

• the scale of concessions made by the PA, including on the right of return, the annexation of nearly all East Jerusalem settlements and a demilitarised state
• the level of cooperation between Israel's security services and the PA
• the absolute intransigence of Israeli negotiators; and
• the total myth of the US as an 'honest broker'.

The documents blow a massive hole right through the Israeli propaganda machine and the oft- repeated mantra 'that there is no Palestinian partner'. As the paper's reveal , not only was there a Palestinian partner (though the Israelis were doing everything to destroy this partner, the whole PA infrastructure and bolster the more radical elements), but this partner was willing to sell out on virtually every Palestinian right in a desperate bid to reach an agreement with the Israelis.

The fallout from this is not likely to have much of an impact on Israel, which has remained true to its goal of pretending to go along with the Peace Process in order to buy time to eat up more Palestinian land and create facts on the ground. This was always and remains the Israeli plan, whilst at the same time using the largely corrupt PA to do its dirty work in the occupied territories and provide a cloak of legitimacy. However, with the publication of these papers the game is surely up.

For years now Arab diplomats in the Middle East have talked off-the-record about 'managing the peace process'. The process became the goal in itself and all those partaking in it have been rewarded with inflows of foreign aid and US $$$ and military support, particularly to cash-strapped Egypt and Jordan. The Peace Process also offered some kind of hope to the Palestinians and the 5m million refugees living in often squalid conditions in neighbouring states. That hope was seen as important as without it the politicians feared the whole region would descend into chaos.

So where now for the PA? Surely the current Palestinian leaders are finished and Hamas' strategy of no negotiation with Israel has been vindicated. And where now for the region's leaders? particularly Abdullah II of Jordan who has staked so much of his legitimacy on the peace process (and with a majority Palestinian population) only for his people to now (though most already knew) finally have it in writing that the entire process has been little more than a sham.

Follow live updates and PA denials here.

Despots old and new

I have been unable to post for a few days as my time has been taken up with a project at the University of Manchester to digitise a 14th/5th Century Qur'an. Interested parties can read more about this project here. The Qur’an in question is one of the largest in the world and was commissioned by Sultan Qansuh al-Ghuri , the last but one of the Mamluk Sultans who eventually met his death in 1516 in Syria fighting the Ottomans and never got to be buried in his lavish Mausoleum in Cairo (on which he spent a tidy fortune). In the chronicles of Ibn Iyas, al-Ghuri is portrayed as an arbitrary despot who tortured his subjects and others at will. Not much changes it seems.

Now back to politics and Tunisia. I'm not going to say too much right now as the political tussles begin to unfold but rather highlight a couple of articles on the subject. Nadia Marzouki has an interesting and fairly lengthy article in MERIP in which she analyses the reasons behind the uprising, as well as recalling ironically some of the praise over recent years that has been heaped on Tunisia by Western powers and international financial institutions for its ‘Miracle’ economic progress. Dealing with the combination of factors that led to the uprising she says:

“The corruption and bad governance of Ben Ali’s reign have contributed to the increasing pauperization of this middle class and the dramatic rise of unemployment, especially among university graduates. Forty-six percent of youth who have university degrees, as Bouazizi did, have no jobs commensurate with their education. The avarice of the president and his wife’s relatives gradually alienated Tunisian and foreign investors, who were tired of paying a tithe to the reigning family, and preferred relocating to the more transparent Gulf countries. The so-called economic success story of Tunisia became a nightmare for the Tunisian people.”

Meanwhile , Foreign Policy has just posted and article titled ‘ The next Tunisias', listing 5 states at risk of a Tunisian-style revolution. Make what you will of it. Personally, I would say the most likely may be Algeria, but things there are complicated by the Islamist presence and the recent civil war. I noticed Jordan is also on the list and the above quote from Marzouki in relation to the shrinking middle class rings true there also. But I think the buck stops there. Although socio-economic and demographic factors are slowly tearing away at Abdullah II's support base, a Tunisian-style uprising is still a fair way off. The King retains the support of the military and intelligence services and has distributed funds just about well enough to keep the ship sailing. The situation there is also highly complicated by the Palestine issue. Nonetheless, the FP piece makes interesting reading with some nice comparisons.

Changing tack slightly, Brian Whittaker has different take on the Tunisian issue in the Guardian and on his blog poses the question: Is the uprising a sign of a post-Islamist Middle East? I wouldn't quite count on that just yet but nevertheless what took place in Tunisia did go some way to countering the usual stereotype of the Islamist bogeyman lurking in the background waiting to take power and impose Sharia law by force. It also represents a green shoot that will hopefully grow - but is still just a green shoot.

If anything, the past decade has witnessed a resurgence of Islamism across the region (not just at the political level but even more so at the personal level) and the fact remains that Islamist organisations/political parties, both legal and illegal, remain the only real organised alternative in the majority of the Arab states (that does not mean they have widespread appeal) to the status quo. They have simply had a better head start as they were able to successfully fill the void - sometimes encouraged by the ruling regimes - left by the absence of political parties which were easier for the regime to crack down on.

Here are some interesting video clips on the issue of political reform in the Arab world with former Jordanian Foreign Minister, Marwan Muasher.

Tunisia

A bitter taste lingers ...

Well, the events of the past few days in Tunisia have certainly been riveting and at times I could hardly drag myself away from al-Jazeera's rolling coverage (the channel's Qatari backers have no need to fear a similar unrest - until the energy resources run dry, that is).

But what will this so-called Jasmine revolution (and a lot of people have died, let's not forget) actually achieve? I don't want to be too pessimistic here. What has taken place in Tunisia - i.e. the Arab street standing up to and riding itself of a brutal dictator - is a truly momentous event and will cause some sleepless nights in the palaces of the Arab world.

However, as the dust begins to settle (and it's far from settling) the Tunisian people are slowly beginning to assess the new political landscape, and it's proving all too deja vu. Ben Ali in 1987 became president in much the same way that Ghannouchi did on Friday. But instead of stepping aside he held on to power. Furthermore, the new National Unity Government unveiled on Monday, is looking too much like the old one minus Ben Ali. Though a few token posts have been allocated to opposition figures such as the PDP's Najib Chebbi, at first glance what we see is a strong representation of the old guard and not much of the new. The real seats of power in the new Ghannouchi government (Ben Ali's right-hand man in the Constitutional Democratic Rally) -the foreign, interior, defence and finance portfolios have remained unchanged.

This begs two questions: firstly, is Ghannouchi really committed to political reform? Secondly and more importantly, is the opposition likely to accept the new government based on a constitution that was tailored to serve the interests of an authoritarian regime? I suspect not. One of Tunisia's key opposition figures, Moncef Marzouki, on Monday branded the new government a "masquerade" dominated by supporters of Ben Ali. But given that the new government appears to have the backing of the military and may be able to co-opt some opposition figures (though the Islamists appear to have been firmly sidelined) where does the Jasmine revolution go from here?

The problem facing Tunisia right now is one that is largely characteristic of the entire Arab world: decades of political repression have led to a fractured and weak opposition with no real leadership or set of coherent policies or unifying programme. The Arab street has risen up and made it's voice heard, but how can that translate into real reforms when political parties remain so weak and divided? At present, the country's constitution provides the only framework for the interim government and the opposition to negotiate but it was carefully crafted to ensure the dominance of previous leaders and their cronies. Elections must be called within 60 days and during this period no changes are permissible to the constitution. The short time frame in effect assures that the opposition has no time to organise and therefore benefits the ruling party.

Back in 1987, Ben Ali came to power in a similar way to the new president and Tunisians don't want to be fooled again, but they may well be.

Tunisia update

(AP)

Early reports suggest that Ben Ali's recent pledges have not had the desired effect and that the protests are continuing. Thousands of people have reportedly took to the streets of Tunis and are calling for the President to step down. BY all accounts, the security forces are not intervening, which makes this the first time that the Tunisian people have been allowed to protest openly without fear of reprisal. Whatever happens now, this really is a watershed moment in the country's history (and also the Arab world) where protesters have been brave enough to face the regime head on and many of whom have paid with their lives.

Backtracking a little, although the US seems to get a lot wrong in the Middle East, this WikiLeaks cable printed in the Guardian from US Ambassador Robert Godec in July 2009 certainly hit all the right nails squarely on the head:

The problem is clear," wrote ambassador Robert Godec in July 2009, in a
secret dispatch released by Beirut's al-Akhbar newspaper. "Tunisia has been ruled by the same president for 22 years. He has no successor. And, while President Ben Ali deserves credit for continuing many of the progressive policies of President Bourguiba, he and his regime have lost touch with the Tunisian people. They tolerate no advice or criticism, whether domestic or international. Increasingly, they rely on the police for control and focus on preserving power.

"Corruption in the inner circle is growing. Even average Tunisians are now keenly aware of it, and the chorus of complaints is rising. Tunisians intensely dislike, even hate, first lady Leila Trabelsi and her family. In private, regime opponents mock her; even those close to the government express dismay at her reported behaviour. Meanwhile, anger is growing at Tunisia's high unemployment and regional inequities. As a consequence, the risks to the regime's long-term stability are increasing."

Meanwhile, AP and other agencies are reporting that thousands of tourists are to be evacuated as uncertainty grows, further damaging one of the key pillars of the economy.

Tunisia unrest

(EPA)

Ben Ali's brinkmanship

The Tunisian President Ben Ali threw what must be his final cards into the hat yesterday with a string of promises aimed at quelling the month-long unrest. The now beleaguered looking president offered to stand down in 2014, allow more freedom of expression, and reign in his security forces, i.e. instruct them to stop shooting protesters. The regime has also taken initial steps to lift media censorship and allow opposition figures a voice on TV. Ben Ali has also instructed the government to cut the price of basic food items.

However, Ben Ali's promises may well be a case of too little too late. The President's rather vague promises (with the exception of announcing his intention not to stand for reelection in 2014) have more than a slight whiff of a man seeking to stave off the current crisis whilst at the same time hold onto to power and buy some time to ensure a suitable ally takes over the reigns in 2014. Whether this ploy works or not is open to question. But one thing is certain: his regime has been significantly weakened by the events of the last month.

Even if he does survive the current crisis Tunisia will be a quite different place than it was. He will be forced to deliver on at least some of his promises, particularly in regards of corruption and more freedoms, or face more general strikes and protests. This will prove a fairly impossible task given that his regime depends on the vary patronage network that has allowed corruption to blossom. In some sense, Ben Ali, therefore, now finds himself sandwiched between the protesters and the security state he helped to create.

Also, for a man that has presided over a tightly run police state for the past decades his volte-face and realisation that repression alone has not succeeded in quelling the unrest sets a fairly new precedent in the Arab world (with the possible exception of Jordan in the late 80s) and in reality has severely weakened him in the eyes of the people. These new chinks in the regime's armour could well spare on the protesters on the street and could well backfire - allowing the protesters to sense that his once iron grip is quickly fading. While the opposition has cautiously welcomed Ben Ali's statement we will now have to see if the youths on the streets are as equally convinced. These are interesting times and regimes across the Arab world will be watching closely to see how this plays out over the next few days - with some sleepless nights in Arab palaces from Morocco to Jordan.

On a slightly different note, Marc lynch poses some interesting questions here about the role of the US media and the silence of the usually fervent pro-democracy commentators over events in Tunisia.

Lebanon back to square one

Hezbollah brings down Hariri government

Yet again Lebanon is facing a renewed period of political crisis following the withdrawal of the Hezbollah opposition bloc from the government yesterday. Embarrassingly, PM Hariri was in Washington at the time meeting with President Obama. Political tensions have been rising in recent months amid speculation that Hezbollah members could be indicted over the 2005 assassination of Rafiq al-Hariri - raising fears that Lebanon is headed for a period of political violence reminiscent of May 2008.

As the Qifa Nabki blog points out:

"The current crisis has its roots in Hizbullah and AMAL’s cabinet walkout of late 2006, which led to over a year and a half of government paralysis, a huge downtown sit-in and protest, escalating street violence, the May 7 clashes, and, eventually, the Doha Agreement. The opposition’s principal demand at that stage was greater representation in cabinet — the so-called “blocking third” — so as to be able to meaningfully block legislation proposed by Hariri’s majority March 14 coalition. More fundamentally, the opposition was seeking a “nuclear option”: the ability to bring down the government in precisely this kind of situation, whereby Saad al-Hariri and his allies would remain committed to supporting the Special Tribunal for Lebanon all the way until the release of indictments."

For the time-being the Hariri government will be replaced by a 'caretaker' government and the opposition are likely to resort to strikes and protests in a bid to end the government's cooperation with the STL, which it regards as politically motivated by the West to discredit Hezbollah. At the very least, Lebanon looks set to enter a protracted period of political paralysis.

Joshua Landis has some interesting comments here, plus reaction from the key players.

Tanassis Cambanis writing in the New York Times thinks Hezbollah is on suicide mission, while Michael Young offers some interesting thoughts on the upcoming negotiations to form a caretaker government.

Troops deployed in Tunis

(EPA)

AFP and a host of other international news agencies are now reporting that troops have been ordered into Tunis Wednesday morning in a bid to quell the unrest.

Armoured vehicles rumbled through the streets and troops alighted from
trucks to take up positions at major intersections and at the entrance to the
Cite Ettadhamen quarter where the clashes took place late Tuesday. (AFP)

Here is an interesting commentary by Marc Lynch on the unfolding situation in Tunisia and it's possible implications for other Arab regimes. Jordan for one is feeling nervous and the government has moved quickly to announce measures to reduce energy costs and subsidize basic food items.