Monday, January 17, 2011
Tunisia
Well, the events of the past few days in Tunisia have certainly been riveting and at times I could hardly drag myself away from al-Jazeera's rolling coverage (the channel's Qatari backers have no need to fear a similar unrest - until the energy resources run dry, that is).
But what will this so-called Jasmine revolution (and a lot of people have died, let's not forget) actually achieve? I don't want to be too pessimistic here. What has taken place in Tunisia - i.e. the Arab street standing up to and riding itself of a brutal dictator - is a truly momentous event and will cause some sleepless nights in the palaces of the Arab world.
However, as the dust begins to settle (and it's far from settling) the Tunisian people are slowly beginning to assess the new political landscape, and it's proving all too deja vu. Ben Ali in 1987 became president in much the same way that Ghannouchi did on Friday. But instead of stepping aside he held on to power. Furthermore, the new National Unity Government unveiled on Monday, is looking too much like the old one minus Ben Ali. Though a few token posts have been allocated to opposition figures such as the PDP's Najib Chebbi, at first glance what we see is a strong representation of the old guard and not much of the new. The real seats of power in the new Ghannouchi government (Ben Ali's right-hand man in the Constitutional Democratic Rally) -the foreign, interior, defence and finance portfolios have remained unchanged.
This begs two questions: firstly, is Ghannouchi really committed to political reform? Secondly and more importantly, is the opposition likely to accept the new government based on a constitution that was tailored to serve the interests of an authoritarian regime? I suspect not. One of Tunisia's key opposition figures, Moncef Marzouki, on Monday branded the new government a "masquerade" dominated by supporters of Ben Ali. But given that the new government appears to have the backing of the military and may be able to co-opt some opposition figures (though the Islamists appear to have been firmly sidelined) where does the Jasmine revolution go from here?
The problem facing Tunisia right now is one that is largely characteristic of the entire Arab world: decades of political repression have led to a fractured and weak opposition with no real leadership or set of coherent policies or unifying programme. The Arab street has risen up and made it's voice heard, but how can that translate into real reforms when political parties remain so weak and divided? At present, the country's constitution provides the only framework for the interim government and the opposition to negotiate but it was carefully crafted to ensure the dominance of previous leaders and their cronies. Elections must be called within 60 days and during this period no changes are permissible to the constitution. The short time frame in effect assures that the opposition has no time to organise and therefore benefits the ruling party.
Back in 1987, Ben Ali came to power in a similar way to the new president and Tunisians don't want to be fooled again, but they may well be.
Friday, January 14, 2011
Tunisia update

(AP)
The problem is clear," wrote ambassador Robert Godec in July 2009, in a
secret dispatch released by Beirut's al-Akhbar newspaper. "Tunisia has been ruled by the same president for 22 years. He has no successor. And, while President Ben Ali deserves credit for continuing many of the progressive policies of President Bourguiba, he and his regime have lost touch with the Tunisian people. They tolerate no advice or criticism, whether domestic or international. Increasingly, they rely on the police for control and focus on preserving power.
"Corruption in the inner circle is growing. Even average Tunisians are now keenly aware of it, and the chorus of complaints is rising. Tunisians intensely dislike, even hate, first lady Leila Trabelsi and her family. In private, regime opponents mock her; even those close to the government express dismay at her reported behaviour. Meanwhile, anger is growing at Tunisia's high unemployment and regional inequities. As a consequence, the risks to the regime's long-term stability are increasing."Meanwhile, AP and other agencies are reporting that thousands of tourists are to be evacuated as uncertainty grows, further damaging one of the key pillars of the economy.
Tunisia unrest

Thursday, January 13, 2011
Lebanon back to square one

Wednesday, January 12, 2011
Troops deployed in Tunis

(EPA)
Armoured vehicles rumbled through the streets and troops alighted from
trucks to take up positions at major intersections and at the entrance to the
Cite Ettadhamen quarter where the clashes took place late Tuesday. (AFP)
Tuesday, January 11, 2011
Tunisia unrest
As violent clashes between the Tunisian regime and protesters continue unabated is it becoming increasingly more legitimate to ask the $million question: are President Ben Ali's days numbered? And will the military now sense the futility of continuing to back a regime that has become so bankrupt that it's only way of governing is to rely on brutal repression ?
The answer to this question will depend to a large extent on how long the current rioting can be sustained. The indications so far, however, are that the cycle of violence is set to continue. The regime's response has been lamentable but entirely predictable: the resort to brutal repression and the use of live bullets (35+ dead), the censoring of the media and social networking sites and the closure of educational facilities in a bid to stop people gathering. These tactics have and will continue to fuel further protests.
What started out as a protest for jobs and better economic conditions in the central region has now transformed into a nationwide protest against the rule of Ben Ali himself, with pictures of the President being openly burned in the streets - the significance of which cannot be overemphasised in Arab world.
Yesterday, the Big Man himself appeared on TV and gave a rather muddled ( albeit typical of Arab leaders) speech with a raft of implausible promises to: double employment opportunities and create 300,000 new jobs, hold a national conference (exciting stuff), and increase government-citizen communication.
In typical fashion he blamed the current trouble on agitators and extremists .. blah ... blah ..blah - the same tired rhetoric used by all Arab leaders. He then, rather bizarrely, ended by thanking Colonel Qaddafi for his support and for treating Tunisians "just like Libyans." Whether or not this was a veiled call for assistance is anyone's guess but it is unlikely to impress Tunisians.
The next couple of weeks will prove crucial and all eyes will be on the military - who may sense that Ben Ali has become more of a liability than an asset.
Monday, January 10, 2011
Violence escalates in Tunisia and Algeria
